Wednesday, May 21, 2025

Tales of Saint Austin's: a variorum edition

Tales of St. Austin's (variorum edition) (PDF, 2,126 KB)

This is the fifth edition of its kind I've completed. It has been in the works for some time, but I couldn't make up my mind to finish and publish it, partly because I'm concentrating on the early novels rather than the short story collections, but mostly because I do not have access to the first but to the 1923 edition, which according to McIlvaine's bibliography was reset, and so may contain differences. However, it is not certain tha I will ever get a chance to take a look at the 1903 edition, so I decided that there was no point in postponing this one indefinitely.

The work in this case has been considerably simpler than in all previous occasions. Although here one has to sort out publications from different magazines, the changes between all but one of the texts are few an straighforward; all the magazine versions are perfectly described and transcribed at Madame Eulalie; and there was no early American edition of the book to complicate matters.

The exception in the case is the long story or novella "The Manoeuvres of Charteris." Other stories present between no and twelve significant changes between the magazine text and their final book version; "The Manoeuvres," in contrast, had about 500: you can see that the apparatus for that section of this file takes one third of the page, whereas in the rest you find only two of three notes per page, and not a few perfectly "clean" pages. Some of the changes on the longer story are substantial, such as added or deleted sentences or paragraphs, but many are changes of expression, slight improvements and minimal adjustments in word order. My personal impression, without other support than the observation of these changes, is that Wodehouse re-typed "The Manoeuvres" and rewrote freely whenever he saw he could enhance the text; while for the rest of the stories the editor worked either from the original manuscript, a typist's copy of it, or the magazine texts, where the author may pencil in some necessary corrections but could hardly make the huge number of alterations observed here.

[Some notes on sources for the artists that illustrated these stories in magazines: not because they are relevant to this textual study, but because this information is not always easy to find, so I thought I would put together these links here.

  • R. Noel Pocock and T. M. R. Whitwell, whose magazine illustrations eventually made it into the book editions of Wodehouse's early stories, aren't included in standard reference books, but fortunately there exists this incredible blog devoted to the history of British illustrators, which contains invaluable information abot each (Pocock, Whitwell).
  • E. F. (Edward Frederick) Skinner seems to be the hardest to find anything about, but at least there is a short entry in S. Houfe, The Dictionary of British Book Illustrators and Caricaturists, 1800-1914.
  • Savile Lumley os the best known of the four, with his own Wikipedia article, entries in B. Peppin, Book Illustrators of the Twentieth Century (link) and M. Bryant, Dictionary of Twentieth Century British Cartoonists and Caricaturists (link), and another great blog entry.]

Saturday, May 10, 2025

Merrett's French prize

In Wodehouse's short story "A Division of Spoil" (The Captain, September 1906, online here) there is a mathematical error. The boy Merrett has unlawfully won a prize in French, and the rest of the class are not happy about it, so Linton seizes the book that constitutes the prize and says:

"... as we've all got just as much right to the prize as you, we're going to divide it."
"I say—" said a voice of protest. Tilbury had come out second in the French order, and he had not looked for this Communistic arrangement.
"Dry up," said Linton. "And if you come any nearer, Merrett, you'll get it hot. Follow? There are five hundred and sixteen pages of this book. How much is that each, some one?"
A pause.
"Thirteen, exactly," said Firmin.

Someone pointed it out in a letter which the editor answered in the November issue (p. 190):

"Three Years' Subscriber," referring to the story by Mr. Wodehouse entitled "A Division of Spoil," published in our September issue, says that if a book of 516 pages was divided among a class of 32 boys, each boy would get 16⅛ pages, and not 13, as the author had it. Quite right, T. Y. S. You may go up above Mr. Wodehouse.

Yet another reader attempted to explain the error (January 1907, p. 380):

"Romney" turns the tables on me by telling me my character from my handwriting. I have put her delineation in my top blush locker. With regard to the mathematical mistake in Mr. Wodehouse's tale, "A Division of Spoil," to which "Subscriber" recently drew attention, "Romney" says it is quite easy to see that "516" pages was a printer's error for "416," and that the latter number of pages gives thirty-two boys exactly thirteen each, so that Mr. Wodehouse goes up top again. This is all very well, but "Romney" is wrong in one little particular. The "516" was not a printer's error, but was the number actually given by the author in his tale, so that Mr. Wodehouse, after going up, comes down again with a run.

It appears, then, that the miscalculation was Wodehouse's—unless we are meant to think that Firmin, the boy who answered the question, got the division wrong. But in that case, if the physical book actually had 516 pages and Linton gave his 32 classmates 13 pages each, there would have been a hundred pages left over at the end. However, that doesn't happen: Linton runs out of pages exactly as Merrett's turn comes, and adds "You can have the cover." The book must have had 416 pages after all.

(And that is leaving aside the difficult question of how you can tear an uneven number of pages from a book, since you can only take full leaves, each with two pages. But even if we assume that Linton gave 14 pages—7 leaves—to each, that still makes 448 pages, with 68 left at the end. One might suppose that Wodehouse is using "page" loosely in the sense of "leaf," and that the total number of pages was twice 516, that is, 1,032, but this is unlikely, and the calculation would still be wrong.)

The book in question was a "handsomely bound copy of Les Misérables." Since it is presented as a prize for knowledge of French, we may safely assume that we are dealing with a French edition, not a translation. Now, Victor Hugo's "novel as a whole is one of the longest ever written, with 655,478 words in the original French" (Wikipedia). It was first published in 5 parts with a total of about 1,900 pages, and is seldom issued in one volume. It would be extremely difficult to fit it in 416 or 516 pages. What Merrett won must have been either only one volume or an abridged edition.

Of course, it is perfectly possible that Wodehouse just made up the book and the number of pages. But as it happens there was at the time a popular edition in French for English readers "abridged and annotated with introduction, notes and vocabulary by O. B. Super when Professor of Romance Languages in Dickinson College." This would be the right kind of book to be given as a prize to a schoolboy, a learning tool rather than a daunting full-length copy of Les Misérables. Not unlike Dr. Giles' "crib" to Greek and Latin authors mentioned earlier in the story.

It existed in several editions, but the one closest both to the date of publication of the story and also to at least one of the required amounts of pages was printed in America by D. C. Heath in 1903 and can be read at the Internet Archive here. It has 391 numbered pages, but if you add 8 pages of titles and introduction, frontispice, blank endpapers and (at a pinch) covers you can almost reach 416, and after all what matters for the division of spoil is the number of physical leaves. (In fact, a copy at HathiTrust has exactly 416 page scans including covers, although some of them seem to be counted twice.)

It may not be possible now to give a definite answer to the rather unimportant question of whether Wodehouse used this particular edition as a reference. If he did, a simple slip would explain the error. It would be nice to discover a copy of it in a library with an incorrect sum "392 + 8 + 16 = 516" hastily jotted down in his handwriting at the end, but until that happens all this must remain within the realm of speculation.

Thursday, April 17, 2025

Wodehouse's Top Twelve in 1935

In an interview published in the Christmas 1935 number of The Book Window: A Guide to Book Buying and Book Reading Wodehouse was asked what were the twelve funniest books he had read, which is an uncharitable question to spring on anyone, especially if you're going to print the answer. I haven't seen the interview (very few libraries even keep copies of The Book Window, and it's certainly impossible to find online), but fortunately several newspapers quoted extracts from it in 1936.

Here's Wodehouse's list as quoted. I'm adding dates for reference, and links to copies of each in the Internet Archive and Project Gutenberg when available:

  • The Pickwick Papers (Charles Dickens) 1836 IA PG
  • Sunshine Sketches of a Little Town (Stephen Leacock) 1912 IA PG
  • Decline and Fall (Evelyn Waugh) 1928 IA
  • My Life and Hard Times (James Thurber) 1933 IA
  • Poor Relations (Compton Mackenzie) 1919 IA PG
  • A Master of Craft (W. W. Jacobs) 1900 IA PG
  • At Sunwich Port (W. W. Jacobs) 1902 IA PG
  • Three Men in a Boat (Jerome K. Jerome) 1889 IA PG
  • Ma Pettengill (Harry Leon Wilson) 1919 IA PG
  • Vice Versa (F. Anstey) 1882 IA PG
  • Mop Fair (Arthur M. Binstead) 1905 IA
  • Edwards (Barry Pain) 1915

I doubt that Wodehouse meant the list to be ranked, although the Dickensian for the next March didn't fail to notice that Pickwick was at the head of it. The selection is well-distributed and representative of different periods, with the latest choice being as recent as 1933. Some of the authors are established classics, and others like Waugh were rapidly rising stars at the time. The least known may be Binstead. Pain was very popular until the 20s, but a lot of his books have not been digitized yet. Edwards was first serialized in Pearson's Magazine during 1914, so it can be read at Google Books (vol. 37, vol 38) or HathiTrust (vol. 37, vol. 38).

Six of them (Dickens, Leacock, Jacobs, Jerome, Wilson, Pain) had pieces in A Century of Humour, which Wodehouse had edited the previous year. In the prologue he had bragged that the fact that the editor had asked him to edit the anthology entitled him "to wear pince-nez and talk about Trends and Cycles and the Spirit of Comedy and What Is The Difference Between Humour and Wit," only to dodge the question of the alleged difference. Perhaps it was this that led the interviewer to ask for a new statement on the subject, which came out in this form:

I agree as to the unsatisfactory nature of the usual definitions of wit and humour, due, no doubt, to the difficulty of distinguishing the one from the other.
If I may attempt a solution, I should say that wit is unkinder than humour. The idea inherent in wit would seem to be that it is an attempt to score a hit; it is an effort to get back on someone else. to get back on someone else. Humour is kindly, and seeks to give pleasure to others; wit is regardless of others, and aims at personal triumph.
Perhaps that is why humorous writing seems to require a long apprenticeship. That, at any rate, appears to be the moral of my own experience. I had actually written twenty-one books before one sold to the extent of more than two thousand copies. Why? Probably they were not very good, and it was necessary for me to try and try again before I was able to achieve something which had a general appeal.

Another interesting bit of the interview is quoted, where W. somehow apologizes for the preference given to British authors:

Only two of these are American, but I am a great admirer of American humour. Most of the best of it, however, does not appear in book form, but in columns of the daily papers, and in weeklies like the 'New Yorker.'

The Americans are Wilson and Thurber (and one ought to remember that Leacock was mostly Canadian). This reflection should be read in connection with what he had said twenty years earlier in an interview published in the New York Times, about Britain having lost much of its sense of humor and being behind the United States in that regard.

[The main question is how many of these titles one had already read at the time of discovering the list. For the record, my own personal score is 6 out of 12, which is not so bad.]

Sunday, April 13, 2025

Something Different

In his column for Punch, July 17, 1957 Wodehouse wrote:

Leonard F. Genz of Greenwich, Conn., is a man who can be pushed just so far. When they upped his Federal and State taxes, as they are doing all the time these days, he did not wince nor cry aloud but wrote a cheque and posted it to the local vampire bats. But when he got a New York State tax form which included the words "Give complete address used for 1956 if different than the above" he felt the time had come to make a stand. He wrote to Governor Harriman about it. I don't know what he said, but it was probably something not very different than "Well, youse guys up in Albany certainly laid an egg that time. Ain't you never been to school and been learned grammar? Where do you get that 'different than' stuff? Different from, you poor uneducated slobs."
The point, in the opinion of most taxpayers, is well taken. What I mean to say, ginks like I and you and the rest of us we don't mind having our blood sucked annually by a bunch of Draculas, but we think they got a nerve when they suck it like as if they'd never of heard of any such a bozo as Fowler, if you see what I mean.

To be fair, they wouldn't have found an answer in the first edition of Fowler's Dictionary of Modern English Usage (1926), which doesn't even mention "different than" in its discussion of whether different can only be followed by from or if to is also admissible. Fowler derides the idea that to is to be rejected on the basis that it never accompanies the root verb differ (i.e., "You do not say differ to; therefore you cannot say different to" is mere superstition and/or pedantry). They would have to wait for Burchfield's New Fowler (1996) to be enlightened, only to find that all forms—from, to, than—are equally valid in the new editor's opinion, based both on Fowler's logic and on the history of English, since the OED shows that all the combinations have been used for centuries.

But at the time Mr. Genz actually won the argument. As it happens, we do know exactly what he wrote to Governor W. A. Harriman and what the Governor replied and did, because the incident was reported in many newspapers since around May 1957, with more or less creativity on the part of the reporters. The Buffalo Courier-Express for May 5 writes, for example:

Harvard. Princeton Men Are Blamed
Tax Blanks' Grammatical Error Vexes Yale Grad
ALBANY, May 4 (AP)—Gov. Harriman today advised a fellow Yale graduate that a grammatical error on New York's income tax form was the work of a Harvard man and "an untutored editor who professes to be 'a Princetonian at heart.'"
Harriman wrote to Leonard F. Genz of Greenwich, Conn., that Genz had been the first in years to spot the error, and assured Genz it would be corrected on next year's forms.
Genz wrote to the Governor and complained that the form said: "Give complete address used for 1955 if different than above."
"On next year's forms," Genz asked, "may we please have English and Connecticut grammar (instead of New York grammar) and the expression 'different from?'"
Harriman replied that investigation had turned up the Harvard and Princeton men as the culprits.
He said that "for reasons now obscure, they chose to disregard the purists and cling to the "'different than'—perhaps for emphasis or because of common usage."
The Governor said the correction would cause no extra expense, since new forms must be printed anyway.
And he assured Genz that "the amount of your 1957 tax will not, on that account at all events, be different from last year's."

I haven't been able to find copies of NY income tax forms from that period to compare them—or rather, I waded through dozens of Google hits, but couldn't locate the exact forms with the offending phrase and its correction, but then I am not a NY taxpayer so I haven't been brought up to navigate that maze of paperwork.

Other periodicals provide more color or interesting additional information. The Schenectady Gazette for May 7 has: "Gov. Harriman said Mr. Genz was the first to notice the error although millions of tax forms have been distributed. The governor is mistaken. A number of persons have noticed the error. But most people are so anxious to get to the point where the tax is computed that they have little inclination to ponder over wording that is different from, or different than, what it should be." A later summary in the Albany Times-Union for August 20 informs us that "The Herald Tribune went so far as to take a dig at those 'ignorant fools in Albany who don't know anything except how to separate the citizen from his money." A new Jersey paper ridiculed the controversy with this sentence: 'A man and a dog are both different from a fox, but the man is more different than the dog.'" We also learn from the second source that "Genz, the man who started it all, is a business executive in New York who makes a hobby of spotting grammatical errors. Once he caught Winston Churchill in a slip, in one of his books, which won him a lunch with Churchill aboard the Queen Elizabeth." I haven't traced this last incident, which if true promises to be fraught with interest.

* * *

Going back to Wodehouse, given his strong opposition to than in this construction, it is to be expected that he stuck to from always. And so he did, as far as I've been able to ascertain. The only exception (apart from the ironic "something not very different than" in Punch above) would be the phrase "it's no different than marrying an heiress" in chapter 15 of The Luck of the Bodkins. But this is found only in the British edition (Jenkins 1935 and its successors Autograph, Penguin, Overlook). The American edition (Little 1936), which prints an earlier, shorter version of the novel, has in chapter 14 "it's not different from marrying an heiress," and the two serializations agree: "it wouldn't be any different from marrying an heiress" (Redbook in the UK and The Passing Show in the US). I have no doubt that Wodehouse's first and only choice here was from, and that than is the work of his British editor or a typesetter.

Searching digital repositories for more instances of "different than" produces what turns out to be a false positive. In chapter 14.7 of Bring On the Girls the somewhat convoluted sentence "It is hard to imagine two worlds more different than the one the authors said good-bye to as they left the Impney and that into which they plunged upon disembarking from the Aquitania" may appear at first glance to contain the solecism, but a closer look reveals that "than" in this case is governed not by "different" but by "more." This becomes clearer if one restores the elided complement of different: "two worlds more different [from each other] than the one ... and that into which ..."

Thursday, April 3, 2025

The Little Warrior: a variorum edition

The Little Warrior (variorum edition) (PDF, 4,732 KB)

The Little Warrior (Jill the Reckless in the UK) is Wodehouse's longest book ever. At more than 117,000 words in its most complete form it is even longer than Mike, which is in reality two novels rolled into one. This variorum edition—the fourth of its kind published in this blog—analyzes four versions (two magazines and two books), and not surprisingly it has a bulky apparatus, with 1250 footnotes. It has taken a very long time: if I recall correctly, I have been working on it intermittently for the last two and a half years.

However, the edition itself is not as complex as those of other, shorter novels. A close look at the apparatus will show that the vast majority of the changes between the longest version and the rest are mere deletions, some of them substantial, and never affect the plot or the characterization. Even the dialectal differences between British and American texts are relatively scarce, more so than in the case of other books with a double edition; and apart from that the cases of rewriting are minimal. One suspects that most if not all of the changes are due not to Wodehouse but to his editors.

There is a difference of almost 4,000 words between the US book (used as base text here) and its British counterpart. It is a pity that the full version was not reprinted again after the 1920s: all later official editions, including the current Everyman/Overlook and Penguin, have the shorter version. Fortunately the novel was early enough that digitized copies are easily found on the internet, not to mention the Gutenberg project (and print-on-demand services picked it up immediately), but still it would be nice to have a proper edition of the American text.

I suppose this variorum is even more riddled with errors than usual. I will probably review it at some point in the future. Some of the texts I would like to check in case they contain any interesting changes are the (first) Canadian version in Maclean's, and the few British editions published, Autograph and Everyman/Overlook. I also think that I omitted to mention some notable typesetter's errors. But for the moment I'd rather let this text rest for a while and turn to something fresh.

Friday, March 14, 2025

The Two Johnnies

There is a very, very elusive bit of song lyric quoted in chapter 10.3 of Wodehouse's novel Frozen Assets (1964): "By the time Henry returned, fully clad and looking, as the song has it, like a specimen of the dressy men you meet up west," and again in chapter 2.3 of The Girl in Blue (1970): "it was apparently her aim to convert him into what a songwriter earlier in the century once described as a specimen of the dressy men you meet up West."

N. Murphy in A Wodehouse Handbook suggested that Wodehouse had in mind Burlington Bertie from Bow (1915) by William Hargreaves (see annotations to The Girl in Blue). But this is a well-known song, and its lyrics, which can be read in Wikipedia, do not really match the quotation.

Murphy's date is more or less correct, however. The song was recalled occasionally by a few writers during the 20th century, who provide more lyrics. F. Beckett, for example, in his biography of John Beckett (1894-1964) says that his father remembered and sang music-hall songs from his youth, "not just the ones everyone remembers" (and he cites Burlington Bertie from Bow), "but also long-forgotten ditties": 

We're Cholly and Dolly
We're two of the best.
We are specimen of the dressy men
You meet up west.
And when in the morning down Bond Street we trot
Every Molly and Polly
Says "Golly, how jolly.
It's Cholly and Dolly. What what?"

A slightly different version is quoted by O. Sitwell in his novel Miracle on Sinai (1933), where it is called "a song which had been popular a year or two before the War":

Cholly and Dolly
Are two of the best.
They are a specimen of the dressy men
You meet out West:
And in the morning
When down Bond Street they trot,
Every Polly and Molly cries "Golly, how jolly,
Here's Cholly and Dolly; what, what!"

Wodehouse's version is closer to the first, with "up west" instead of "out west."

[By the way, I suspect that Wodehouse made a more veiled allusion to the last lines in the phrase "Golly, Polly, isn't this jolly, here we all are, what?" in chapter 9 of Uncle Fred in the Springtime (1939).]

An article on "Lyric-Making" in The Globe for November 2, 1915 testifies to the early rise of the song to the rank of a classic: "It is but seldom that the lyric-writer is allowed to wander into trisyllabic paths, as in the deathless couplet: 'I am specimen of the dressy men,' which delighted musical comedy audiences some few years ago."

Now, in 1913-4 there existed a short-lived but very popular variety duo composed by Guy Struthers and Guy Grahame, known as "Guy and Grahame" or "The Two Johnnies." Their most successful act was called "Cholly, M.P., and Dolly, M.P." A review in The Era for January 14, 1914 reads: "Guy and Grahame, the imperturbable Bond-street Johnnies, with some new repartee that never misses fire, give their unique and amusing interlude with the happiest results": note the mention of Bond Street in the lyrics. Putting these scanty data together, I venture to say that the lost song belonged in fact to that number, perhaps used as an introduction of the two comical Members of Parliament.

[I should also mention that "Cholly" and "Dolly" are also the nicknames of Charles Lomax and Adolphus Cusins in Bernard Shaw's 1905 play Major Barbara, but this doesn't seem to be related, except perhaps as inspiration for the names of Guy and Grahame's characters.]

The duo are completely forgotten now, and there seems to be so little information preserved about them that I thought I'd put together here all I have been able to find. From a series of short but uniformly positive contemporary notices we learn that they had teamed up in late 1912 and were a permanent hit until the war broke out. (A paragraph in The Era, June 28, 1913 mentions "the case of Dawson v. Struthers, in which Mr. Guy Struthers, of Guy and Graham, was sued for £30 in respect of an alleged breach of contract by a former partner," so maybe this was not Struthers' first theatrical experience.)

Then Struthers enlisted in 1914. In his "Variety Gossip" column (The Era, November 11, 1914), "The Pilgrim" writes:

I have had some interesting news from Lieut. Guy Struthers (of Guy and Graham), who was with the Marines and Naval Brigade at Antwerp. He tells me that the force was well equipped, and delayed the German occupation of the town long enough to enable the Belgian Army to get clear to Ostend.
He was under shell and rifle fire for two days in the trenches, but managed to escape injury. Luckily, the German shooting was most inaccurate, especially their rifle fire. He hopes to return to the halls as soon as the war is over.

But his luck did not hold. In The Stage Year Book for 1916 we read: "The Harvester of Death has been very busy during 1915, and many well-known names are in the list of those who have begun the great adventure. [...] Lieut. Guy Struthers (one of the partners in Guy and Graham) died in London from the effect of wounds received in the Dardanelles." A medal that came up for auction in 2011 gives more details: "Lieutenant Guy Struthers Perkins of Royal Marine Light Infantry, Deal Bn., R.N. Div. died on 23rd November 1915 and is buried in Camberwell Old Cemetery." This in turn leads to his page in Find a Grave, where we find that he was born in 1885 and married in 1909 among other details, but nothing about his career on the stage.

I don't know if or when Guy Grahame enlisted, but in any case he survived to have a career in musical comedy. The Era for May 21, 1919 says:

That clever comedian, Guy Graham, was in town recently, following his engagement in "Ocean Waves." Our readers will recall the brilliant double act of Guy and Grahame, and that Lieut. Guy Struthers made the great sacrifice early in the war. Mr. Graham is seeking another partner for his appearance in variety, when we are promised a show somewhat different from the former act. We understand that Mr. Graham will next be seen in "Mr. Manhattan," which starts at Southampton on June 30.

Some shows where we hear his name accompanied by particularly high praise are "Oh, Joy!" (1919), "It's All Wrong" (1921), "Bluff" (1921) and "Humor and Skills" (1928).


The Motion Picture Studio, November 26, 1921

* * *

This, then, is all I have managed to collect about the song and its (probable) authors. Perhaps there is more out there, but the fact that the song hasn't turned up in a search through several music sheet databases suggests that it was never published, and may be permanently lost.

Sunday, March 9, 2025

Piccadilly Jim, the play. 5.—The play and the novels. Conclusion

Previous sections:
1.—Introduction. Writing and production
2.—Reception
3.—Ruth Gordon's memoirs. Afterlife
4.—Reconstruction of the plot

In this last section, dedicated to the connections between the play the three novels related to it—The Little Nugget, Piccadilly Jim and Leave It to Psmith—, I will assume a certain degree of familiarity on the part of the reader with the plot of the novels, only recalling to memory those details that are pertinent to the point under discussion. The reasoning is that anyone interested in this study will have read the novels anyway; and if they haven't, they are encouraged to do so at the earliest opportunity.

The Little Nugget, Piccadilly Jim and the play

The play clearly follows the Piccadilly Jim novel in its essentials: Jimmy Crocker, a young wastrel overcome with remorse at his latest escapades, decides to remove himself to America and stop being a hindrance to the social aspirations of his stepmother. In New York he ends up as a member of a high class house-party, and is engaged to kidnap Ogden, the spoiled child of the family. He has fallen in love with Ann Chester, living in the same house and bent on the same purpose, and they becomes partners in crime. At the same time, crooks are after a new invention by another resident of the household, a dangerous explosive, but Jimmy manages to thwart them. The net result of both criminal plots is that the hero wins the girl's love and establishes himself on the path to a new life, no longer a source of embarrassment for his parents.

The first notable difference is how much of the characters' background story is removed in the play's scenario. In the novel, Jimmy and Ann go back a long way even if they are not aware of it at first. Jimmy had made himself hateful to Ann by writing a derisive review of a book of poems published by her younger self. Most of the characters have preexisting ties: Jimmy's stepmother is the sister of Ann's aunt Nesta, mother of Ogden, so that he gains entrance to the house as nephew of the family, but to Ann he has to pretend he is the butler's son passing as Jimmy—with the added difficulty that the butler is really his father in disguise. Thus the novel's main conflict lies not so much in the kidnapping and the theft, but in the final revelation of Jimmy's identity to Ann and the challenge of turning her hatred into love.

This complexity is done away with in the play: Jimmy, Ann and Ogden's family are perfect strangers to each other at the beginning. The amount of deceit and impersonation necessitated by the circumstances is reduced drastically. At the same time, the American family is split: Ogden's parents, the Fords, are estranged and fighting over the custody of the child, who is residing with his aun and uncle, the Petts. So in the novel Jimmy stays at the Fords' place, and in the play he is at the Pett's, with Mr. and Mrs. Ford acting as external forces.

This is where the earlier novel, The Little Nugget, comes in: there Ogden and the Fords were introduced, and at first first the couple were equally estranged, disputing the custody and worrying over the risk of the child being kidnapped. In the end, it is the attempts of two competing sets of criminals that reunites the couple. Similarly, at the end of the play the Fords are reconciled over their shared fear of losing Ogden, whom they jointly decide to send to a boarding school, to the relief of Mr. and Mrs. Pett.

The two novels, then, are conflated into one in the play as far as the Ford domestic situation is concerned. This kind of continuity between novels, with Piccadilly Jim as a sort of sequel of The Little Nugget even though the two can be read independently, is a technique that Wodehouse would use often in his career (and had already done so in some of his school stories), especially in the Jeeves and Blandings "sagas." It is highly effective because the background details that add depth to the characters are not illusory but actual narratives that the reader can recall or learn more about, and so each novel enriches the other. And from the point of view of the author's own interests, it acts as an incentive to seek out those earlier stories involving the same characters.

The play, in contrast, is much more self-contained. It cannot expect its audience to have read and recall a novel published years earlier, and it definitely cannot make its appeal or chance of success dependent on such external factors. Thus, as already said, the plot is simplified with respect to Piccadilly Jim (the novel) in such a way that any additional complexities that are incorporated, like the estrangement of the Fords and the setting of the action in a new household, are presented and resolved within the compass of the play itself.

In the reconstruction of the plot and quotations cited in the previous section there are a number of details that can be traced directly to the novel, such as the conversation where Dave Mitchell reads to Jimmy a passage from a law book concerning the penalties for kidnapping. This is a clever elaboration of a scene in chapter 18, except that in the novel it is Ann who is about to read from a law encyclopedia and is interrupted by the arrival of Ogden.

Jimmy's initial fight with Lord Whipple is still present is very similar terms, but the unexpected outcome in the novel (Mrs. Crockers appears at the end and reveals that Lord Whipple, far from being enraged at Jimmy, has actually advanced her social aspirations for her husband) is not mentioned in the reviews, even though we learn that they do reappear and may assume a similar development in this regard. The theft of the perambulator, on the other hand, is entirely new.

The explosive subplot serves a similar role in both works, since Jimmy's role in foiling the crook that is trying to steal it helps bring the couple together. There is, however, a difference. In the novel it was an unfinished invention by the late Dwight Partridge, used by his incompetent son Willie as an excuse for sponging on his house Nesta, but it fails to kill everyone and destroy half of New York when the crook accidentally drops it. In the play it is the creation of Mr. Pett, is apparently handled carelessly at some point, but presumably is never dropped, or else everyone would have died since the experiment was not a failure. We know this because we learn that what makes Jimmy's fortune at the end is the fact that the grateful inventor has given him a partnership in the explosive business. So, in one case the danger was nonexistent, and in the other it was real and averted.

The kidnapping of Ogden also has a very different setting. In the novel, the plan is conceived by Ann as an act of kindness toward her uncle and Ogden himself, because she proposes to send him to a dogs' training school to get some education. Jimmy is dragged into it by the fortuitous circumstance of Jerry Mitchell's dismissal. In the play, Jimmy and Ann are symmetrically engaged by Mr. and Mrs. Ford at an employment agency to do the deed, so that they start out as unconscious competitors and only later become associates.

This is a plot point that Wodehouse had actually visited not so long before, in his 1915 novel Something New/Something Fresh, where the two sides of the main romantic plot, Ashe Marson and Joan Valentine, embark on separate attempts to steal back Mr. Peters' scarab, and on finding out decide to team up and take turns. Not really present in the novel Piccadilly Jim, it reappeared in the play, and after its failure it was recovered years later for the plot of Leave It to Psmith. Next we will take a look at the various novelties introduced in the play that in one way or another made their way into the 1923 novel.

The play and Leave It to Psmith

We saw in the third installment of this series that in mid-1921 Wodehouse was still trying to revive the play in London, and that by the end of the year he was already developing ideas for a new novel, "on the lines of Something New and Piccadilly Jim." In isolation, this could imply no more than similarities in tone and overall structure: all three novels revolve around a more or less excentric male character who, assuming a personality other than his own, enters a household with the double purpose of commiting a crime that is not really a crime and winning a girl's affection.

The details of the plot presented in the fourth installment show that the connection between the lost play and LItP is much stronger, as much of the new material introduced in it can be recognized without much effort in the later novel.

Many years later Wodehouse wrote to Bolton (13 July, 1946, found in Donaldson p. 151):

To refresh the old memory, I wrote Leave It to Psmith in 1924 and you let me incorporate a good bit of your stuff from the dramatization of Piccadilly Jim (Greg. Kelly and Ruth Gordon, tried out in Des Moines but never reached NY). There was a scene in an employment agency where I drew very largely on the Bolton genius.

W. is incorrect in the details: we have no news of a Des Moines appearance, and there doesn't seem to be room to fit it in the December 1919 schedule (see end of part 1); and LItP was not written in 1924, but first conceived at the end of 1921 and finished in early 1923. The wording clearly implies that at least one of the fragments that chance has preserved of the script was Bolton's contribution, and it may be wondered to what extent the whole adaptation shoud be considered Bolton's work rather than a collaboration. E. McIlvaine in her Bibliography gives him all the credit: "Guy Bolton dramatized the play in 1918" (p. 31). The notices and adverts, in contrast, always mention both W. and W. as co-authors, but this has very little force. We may reasonably assume that every line of the text was agreed upon by both, but beyond that it's impossible to attribute a particular innovation to either.

The first point that brings the play closer to LItP is the explanation of the sobriquet bestowed on Jimmy by the American gossip press, "Piccadilly Jim." In the novel, this had only alluded to his "disgusting behaviour in London" (ch. 8), Piccadilly being the scene of the playboy's escapades.

[Side note: the original "Piccadilly Jim" was Lt.-Col. James Ross Farquharson of Invercauld (9 January 1834 – 7 March 1888), "so called on account of his particularly extravagant habits" (H. Cantlie, Ancestral Castles of Scotland, 1992); "for his raucous London social life" (C. Young, The Fabulous Frances Farquharson, 2023). See a portrait and notice published in Vanity Fair at the Philadelphia Museum of Art.]

In the play, all the reviews agree that Jimmy earned the nickname by being "rather fastidious and sensitive about his dress and his immaculate appearance." This is a trait immediately associated with R. Psmith, established in 1908 in The Lost Lambs (later second half of Mike) and continued in its two sequels in 1908-10. Before writing LItP Wodehouse had most likely regarded the Psmith "saga" as concluded: in a blurb for the American edition he confessed that he only undertook the enterprise at the insistence of his daughter Leonora (see. D. A. Jasen, Portrait of a Master pp. 98-9). But in 1917-9 he may have thought that he was done with the character and was at liberty to pass the trait on to a new hero. Then, when the play was finally shelved, Jimmy faded into oblivion and Psmith recovered his defining sartorial elegance for a last appearance.

The scene at the employment agency, the first substantial quotation from the script that we possess, would be recognizable as the interview between Psmith and Mrs. Clarckson in chapter 5 of the novel, even if we didn't have Wodehouse's acknowledgement of its debt to "the Bolton genius." A phrase is reproduced almost to the letter: "This faultless crease was obtained with the aid of the mattress upon which I tossed feverishly in my attic room," and the character of Mrs. Clarkson and her reaction to Psmith's application are the same in both works. (The novel develops her further in her maternal attitude toward her former pupils.)

The composition of the house-party is another step in the direction of LItP. Whereas in the novel Nesta Ford Pett surrounded herself not only with "novelists who had not yet started and poets who were about to begin" but also "futurist painters, esoteric Buddhists, vers libre poets, interior decorators, and stage reformers," including of course her own scientific nephew, in the play Mrs. Pett has formed "a salon of high-brow literary types," that is, there is no mention of non-writers. Similarly, Lady Constance in the later novel is seen "collecting literary celebrities and dumping them down in the home for indeterminate visits." Mr. Ford suggests that Jimmy poses as an English nobleman who writes vers libre to fit in this company.

The fragment of dialogue preserved between Jimmy Mrs. Barnes and Miss Pegrim was reused in different encounters between Psmith an Miss Peavey. The first part, about the dangers of the literary profession, matches part of ch 9.5:

"I wanted so much to discuss your wonderful poetry with you. You haven't so much as mentioned your work since you came here. Have you!"
"Ah, but, you see, I am trying to keep my mind off it."
"Really? Why?"
"My medical adviser warned me that I had been concentrating a trifle too much. He offered me the choice, in fact, between a complete rest and the loony-bin."
"The what, Mr. McTodd?"
"The lunatic asylum, he meant. These medical men express themselves oddly."

While the second is found in ch. 7.3:

"There are several of your more mystic passages that I meant to ask you to explain, but particularly 'Across the pale parabola of Joy' . . ."
"You find it difficult to understand?"
"A little, I confess."
"Well, well," said Psmith indulgently, "perhaps I did put a bit of top-spin on that one."

We don't learn the name of the aristocratic English poet Jimmy is impersonating (the Canadian Ralston McTodd in LItP). We can be certain that he did not make an appearance in the play. The much-discussed line "Across the pale parabola of joy," pivotal to LItP, seems to have been equelly memorable in the play, because it will reappear in the dialogue with Cootes below.

Mrs. Peavey's case is interesting. She is probably an evolution of Miss Pegrim, based on the slight similarity of names, but we know too little about her theatrical counterpart. Her most striking character trait is the contrast between the mushy poetess and her "Smooth Lizzie" true personality, but the novel tells us that the former was not a mere façade, since she is a real poet with six published volumes to her name.

A detail in the history of the composition may suggest that at first, in Wodehouse's mind, her only crime was writing poetry. When the novel was serialized in the Saturday Evening Post, her introduction (ch. 7.3) included the sentence "When she came into the breakfast room of a country house—and most of her time was spent in paying rounds of country-house visits—brave men who had been up a bit late the night before quailed and tried to hide behind newspapers." The phrase between dashes was deleted in later versions, most likely because it contradicts the later statement (ch. 9.4) that she only started mixing in high society after her encounter with Lady Constance, and this is in fact her first country-house visit. It would appear that she started out as a much more Pegrim-like character, and only later did Wodehouse discover the advantanges of making her yet another impostor.

The early Alan Cootes, described as "nervy" by one reviewer, tries to pass himself as the same poet, and Jimmy uncovers the imposture by asking him to explain the parabola line. This is repeated in ch. 9.2 of the novel (his name being now Edward Cootes):

"You say that you are Ralston McTodd, the author of these poems?"
"Yes, I do."
"Then what," said Psmith incisively, “is a pale parabola of Joy?"
"Er—what?" said the new-comer in an enfeebled voice. There was manifest in his demeanour now a marked nervousness.

There is a difference: in the play Jimmy was probably ascertaining the crook's identity, because he would have had no way of knowing whether this was the real poet. In the novel Psmith cannot have any doubt: he has already met McTodd. So he is just having a bit of fun before sending Cootes on his way.

It will be remembered that, according to some of the reviews, in the play Jimmy "snatched" Cootes' revolver at the crucial moment. The choice of verb might indicate that the action was closer to chapter 22 of the original novel that to the trick Psmith used in LItP. But in PJ the success of Jimmy's ruse was limited, because he got hold of Gentleman Jack's pistol only to lose it again almost immediately in a scuffle. In contrast, in chapter 9.5 of the new novel Psmith in an consummate exhibition of finesse simply asks Beach to retrieve the weapon his manservant has brought for him, without violence or threats of any kind.

I have already mentioned that the coincidence of the two leading characters competing to commit the same crime is indirectly inherited from Something Fresh, added to the PJ play and continued in LItP. The last scene of the play, where Jimmy presses his suit by pointing out the coincidence of both him and Ann taking an interest in crime (kidnapping), and anticipating that they could even get their pictures in "that magazine series of 'Husbands and Wives Who Work Together'," also has an echo in ch. 13.3:

"I am your best friend's best friend and we both have a taste for stealing other people's jewellery. I cannot see how you can very well resist the conclusion that we are twin-souls."
"Don’t be silly."
"We shall get into that series of 'Husbands and Wives Who Work Together.'"

(I haven't been able to find any such series in magazines up to 1919, so it was probably an invention for the play. A mention in a 1924 play must be derived from the novel.)

Another link between the two works that requires discussion is of course the housemaid-detective, Susan Trimble. She was only "Miss Trimble" in the first Piccadilly Jim, and acquired a first name for the play. Her counterpart is Miss Simmons, also called "Susan" in her role as parlourmaid; it may or may not have been her real name. Hers is another case of incomplete development. O. D. Edwards has made a very cogent observation concerning the part she plays in LItP:

Miss Simmons, whose power is indicated by her uniqueness in relation to two dominant major protagonists. She is perhaps the only person in the Psmith saga to show a tactical superiority to Psmith's worldly wisdom (by doing what he said a housemaid, and not what a detective, would do when kissed by the Hon. Freddie), and the only person in the Blandings series to bully the Efficient Baxter on her own merits [...] Yet after shocking the reader by proving herself a match for Psmith and a ruthless deflater of Baxter, both revelations being made at the commencement of the chapter 'Almost Entirely About Flower-Pots', she never reappears. It seems probable that Wodehouse intended much more use for her but found his large cast too cumbersome; moreover, she would have naturally introduced unmanageable complexities by inevitably winning some exchanges in the multitude of intricate duels with which the work climaxes.

In contrast, Miss Trimble in PJ was instrumental in bringing the Crockers together: she had a real impact on the narrative. This uncharacteristic lack of balance in the structure of LItP, where a strong character is introduced without corresponding payback, may be better understood now if Miss Simmons is no longer a new creation designed from the start to serve a purpose in the overall structure of the narrative, but a remnant of the old play that Wodehouse deemed too good to leave out and that he couldn't quite integrate in the overall plot.

Conclusion

I hope that this long exposition of all that I was able to gather of the history and substance of the lost play, and particularly the discussion of its connections with the novels in the last section, can contribute if only a little to our ourderstanding of the creative processes behind some of the works Wodehouse produced at that early stage of his literary career. Archaeology is at its best when it is not limited to digging out bones but helps us gain a better appreciation of the living beings to whom they belonged.

When dealing with fragmentary works, one should always keep in mind that we may be missing essential parts of the whole, and that the significance of what we do have could change completely if we could only see the context where they belong. I am quite confident that the picture drawn in the fourth installment was essentially correct, and that the links with other works were more or less as outlined in the fifth; but if ever a complete script of the play comes to light I wouldn't be at all surprised if many of the deductions made here were wrong or required major adjustments. Needless to say, I'd be the first to celebrate the fact.

In this regard, one last thought occurs to me: while it is always something to regret that a work has been lost, even assuming there were good reasons for it to fail as a production, there is consolation in the knowledge that Wodehouse (who clearly appreciated the play despite its faults, and was still willing to give it a try in England after the American fiasco) decided to salvage what he thought was worth keeping, and built a new novel around it which became a lasting classic.